|
|
 |
|
|
| New York Times Video Report on ONLF - Ogaden Somali Fighters |
 |
June 18, 2007
In Ethiopian Desert, Fear and Cries of Army
Brutality
By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN
IN THE OGADEN DESERT, Ethiopia — The rebels
march 300 strong across the crunchy earth, young
men with dreadlocks and AK-47s slung over their
shoulders.
Often when they pass through a village, the entire
village lines up, one sunken cheekbone to the
next, to squint at them.
"May God bring you victory," one woman whispered.
This is the Ogaden, a spindle-legged corner of
Ethiopia that the urbane officials in Addis Ababa,
the capital, would rather outsiders never see. It
is the epicenter of a separatist war pitting
impoverished nomads against one of the biggest
armies in Africa.
What goes on here seems to be starkly different
from the carefully constructed up-and-coming image
that Ethiopia — a country that the United States
increasingly relies on to fight militant Islam in
the Horn of Africa — tries to project.
Video
More Video »
In village after village, people said they had
been brutalized by government troops. They
described a widespread and longstanding reign of
terror, with Ethiopian soldiers gang-raping women,
burning down huts and killing civilians at will.
It is the same military that the American
government helps train and equip — and provides
with prized intelligence. The two nations have
been allies for years, but recently they have
grown especially close, teaming up last winter to
oust an Islamic movement that controlled much of
Somalia and rid the region of a potential
terrorist threat.
The Bush administration, particularly the
military, considers Ethiopia its best bet in the
volatile Horn — which, with Sudan, Somalia and
Eritrea, is fast becoming intensely violent,
virulently anti-American and an incubator for
terrorism.
But an emerging concern for American officials is
the way that the Ethiopian military operates
inside its own borders, especially in war zones
like the Ogaden.
Anab, a 40-year-old camel herder who was too
frightened, like many others, to give her last
name, said soldiers took her to a police station,
put her in a cell and twisted her nipples with
pliers. She said government security forces
routinely rounded up young women under the pretext
that they were rebel supporters so they could
bring them to jail and rape them.
"Me, I am old," she said, "but they raped me,
too."
Moualin, a rheumy-eyed elder, said Ethiopian
troops stormed his village, Sasabene, in January
looking for rebels and burned much of it down.
"They hit us in the face with the hardest part of
their guns," he said.
The villagers said the abuses had intensified
since April, when the rebels attacked a
Chinese-run oil field, killing nine Chinese
workers and more than 60 Ethiopian soldiers and
employees. The Ethiopian government has vowed to
crush the rebels but rejects all claims that it
abuses civilians.
"Our soldiers are not allowed to do these kinds of
things," said Nur Abdi Mohammed, a government
spokesman. "This is only propaganda and cannot be
justified. If a government soldier did this type
of thing they would be brought before the courts."
Even so, the State Department, the European
Parliament and many human rights groups, mostly
outside Ethiopia, have cited thousands of cases of
torture, arbitrary detention and extrajudicial
killings — enough to raise questions in Congress
about American support of the Ethiopian
government.
"This is a country that is abusing its own people
and has no respect for democracy," said
Representative Donald M. Payne, Democrat of New
Jersey and chairman of the House Foreign Affairs
subcommittee on Africa and global health.
"We've not only looked the other way but we've
pushed them to intrude in other sovereign
nations," he added, referring to the satellite
images and other strategic help the American
military gave Ethiopia in December, when thousands
of Ethiopian troops poured into Somalia and
overthrew the Islamist leadership.
According to Georgette Gagnon, deputy director for
the Africa division of Human Rights Watch,
Ethiopia is one of the most repressive countries
in Africa.
"What the Ethiopian security forces are doing,"
she said, "may amount to crimes against humanity."
Human Rights Watch issued a report in 2005 that
documented a rampage by government troops against
members of the Anuak, a minority tribe in western
Ethiopia, in which soldiers ransacked homes, beat
villagers to death with iron bars and in one case,
according to a witness, tied up a prisoner and ran
over him with a military truck.
After the report came out, the researcher who
wrote it was banned by the Ethiopian government
from returning to the country. Similarly, three
New York Times journalists who visited the Ogaden
to cover this story were imprisoned for five days
and had all their equipment confiscated before
being released without charges.
Ethiopia's Tiananmen Square
In many ways, Ethiopia has a lot going for it
these days: new buildings, new roads, low crime
and a booming trade in cut flowers and coffee. It
is the second most populous country in sub-Saharan
Africa, behind Nigeria, with 77 million people.
Its leaders, many whom were once rebels
themselves, from a neglected patch of northern
Ethiopia, are widely known as some of the savviest
officials on the continent. They had promised to
let some air into a very stultified political
system during the national elections of 2005,
which were billed as a milestone on the road to
democracy.
Instead, they turned into Ethiopia's version of
Tiananmen Square. With the opposition poised to
win a record number of seats in Parliament, the
government cracked down brutally, opening fire on
demonstrators, rounding up tens of thousands of
opposition supporters and students and leveling
charges of treason and even attempted to kill top
opposition leaders, including the man elected
mayor of Addis Ababa.
Many opposition members are now in jail or in
exile. The rest seem demoralized.
"There are no real steps toward democracy," said
Merera Gudina, vice president of the United
Ethiopian Democratic Forces, a leading opposition
party. "No real steps toward opening up space, no
real steps toward ending repression."
Ethiopian officials have routinely dismissed such
complaints, accusing political protesters of
stoking civil unrest and poking their finger into
a well-known sore spot. Ethiopia has always had an
authoritarian streak. This is a country, after
all, where until the 1970s rulers claimed to be
direct descendants of King Solomon. It is big,
poor, famine-stricken, about half-Christian and
half-Muslim, surrounded by hostile enemies and
full of heavily armed separatist factions. As one
high-ranking Ethiopian official put it, "This
country has never been easy to rule."
That has certainly been true for the Ogaden
desert, a huge, dagger-shaped chunk of territory
between the highlands of Ethiopia and the border
of Somalia. The people here are mostly ethnic
Somalis, and they have been chafing against
Ethiopian rule since 1897, when the British ceded
their claims to the area.
The colonial officials did not think the Ogaden
was worth much. They saw thorny hills and thirsty
people. Even today, it is still like that. What
passes for a town is a huddle of bubble-shaped
huts, the movable homes of camel-thwacking nomads
who somehow survive out here. For roads, picture
Tonka truck tracks running through a sandbox. The
primary elements in this world are skin and bone
and sun and rock. And guns. Loads of them.
Camel herders carry rifles to protect their
animals. Young women carry pistols to protect
their bodies. And then there is the Ogaden
National Liberation Front, the machine-gun-toting
rebels fighting for control of this desiccated
wasteland.
Rebels Live Off the Land
Lion. Radio. Fearless. Peacock. Most of the men
have nicknames that conceal their real identities.
Peacock, who spoke some English, served as a
guide. He shared the bitter little plums the
soldiers pick from thorn bushes — "Ogaden
chocolate," he called them. He showed the way to
gently skim water from the top of a mud puddle to
minimize the amount of dirt that ends up in your
stomach — even in the rainy season this is all
there is to drink.
He pointed out the anthills, the coming storm
clouds, the especially ruthless thorn trees and
even a graveyard that stood incongruously in the
middle of the desert. The graves — crude
pyramids of stones — were from the war in
1977-78, when Somalia tried, disastrously, to pry
the Ogaden out of Ethiopia's hands and lost
thousands of men. "It's up to us now," Peacock
said.
Peacock was typical of the rebels. He was driven
by anger. He said Ethiopian soldiers hanged his
mother, raped his sister and beat his father. "I
know, it's hard to believe," he said. "But it's
true."
He had the hunch of a broken man and a voice that
seemed far too tired for his 28 years. "It's not
that I like living in the bush," he said. "But I
have nowhere else to go."
The armed resistance began in 1994, after the
Ogaden National Liberation Front, then a political
organization, broached the idea of splitting off
from Ethiopia. The central government responded by
imprisoning Ogadeni leaders, and according to
academics and human rights groups, assassinating
others. The Ogaden is part of the Somali National
Regional State, one of nine ethnic-based states
within Ethiopia's unusual ethnic-based federal
system. On paper, all states have the right to
secede, if they follow the proper procedures. But
it seemed that the government feared that if the
Somalis broke away, so too would the Oromos, the
Afar and many other ethnic groups pining for a
country of their own.
The Ethiopian government calls the Ogaden rebels
terrorists and says they are armed and trained by
Eritrea, Ethiopia's neighbor and bitter enemy. One
of the reasons Ethiopia decided to invade Somalia
was to prevent the rebels from using it as a base.
The government blames them for a string of recent
bombings and assassinations and says they often
single out rival clan members. Ethiopian officials
have been pressuring the State Department to add
the Ogaden National Liberation Front to its list
of designated foreign terrorist organizations.
Until recently, American officials refused, saying
the rebels had not threatened civilians or
American interests.
"But after the oil field attack in April," said
one American official who spoke on the condition
of anonymity, "we are reassessing that."
American policy toward Ethiopia seems to be in
flux. Administration officials are trying to
increase the amount of nonhumanitarian aid to
Ethiopia to $481 million next year, from $284
million this year. But key Democrats in Congress,
including Mr. Payne, are questioning this, saying
that because of Ethiopia's human rights record, it
is time to stop writing the country a blank check.
In April, European Commission officials began
investigating Ethiopia for war crimes in
connection to hundreds of Somali civilians killed
by Ethiopian troops during heavy fighting in
Mogadishu, Somalia's capital.
Women Are Suffering the Most
In the Ogaden, it is not clear how many people are
dying. The vast area is essentially a no-go zone
for most human rights workers and journalists and
where the Ethiopian military, by its own
admission, is waging an intense counterinsurgency
campaign.
The violence has been particularly acute against
women, villagers said, and many have recently
fled.
Asma, 19, who now lives in neighboring Somaliland,
said she was stuck in an underground cell for more
than six months last year, raped and tortured.
"They beat me on the feet and ," she said. She was
freed only after her father paid the soldiers
ransom, she said, though she did not know how
much.
Ambaro, 25, now living in Addis Ababa, said she
was gang-raped by five Ethiopian soldiers in
January near the town of Fik. She said troops came
to her village every night to pluck another young
woman.
"I'm in pain now, all over my body," she said. "
I'm worried that I'll become crazy because of what
happened."
Many Ogaden villagers said that when they tried to
bring up abuses with clan chiefs or local
authorities, they were told it was better to keep
quiet.
The rebels said thats was precisely why they
attacked the Chinese oil field: to get publicity
for their cause and the plight of their region
(and to discourage foreign companies from
exploiting local resources). According to them,
they strike freely in the Ogaden all the time,
ambushing military convoys and raiding police
stations.
Mr. Mohammed, the government spokesman, denied
that, saying the rebels "will not confront
Ethiopian military forces because they are not
well trained."
Expert or not, they are determined. They march for
hours powered by a few handfuls of rice. They
travel extremely light, carrying only their guns,
two clips of bullets, a grenade and a tarp. They
brag about how many Ethiopians they have killed,
and every piece of their camouflage, they say, is
pulled off dead soldiers. They joke about
slaughtering Ethiopian troops the same way they
slaughter goats.
Their morale seems high, especially for men who
sleep in the dirt every night. Their throats are
constantly dry, but they like to sing.
"A camel is delivering a baby today and the milk
of the camel is coming," goes one campfire song.
"Who is the owner of this land?"
Will Connors contributed reporting from Addis
Ababa, Ethiopia.
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/18/world/africa/18e
thiopia.html?_r=2&hp=&pagewanted=print&oref=slogin
Tags : Ethiopia Somalia Somali Ethiopian Eritrea Eritrean Sudan America War on The Horn of Africa BBC Report ONLF Ogaden fight |
|
Affichage : 296479
Durée : 416 s |
| Albuquerque Gangs TV Report |
 |
Investigative report aired in November of 2006.
California gang members are migrating to New
Mexico to avoid California's famous
three-strikes-law. These California gangs recruit
young children.
Video elements include an actual gang initiation
video, a gang member showing me his gun,
interviews with young Albuquerque gang members,
pictures of young Albuquerque kids posing with
guns, and an interview with a local gang expert.
Tags : gangs albuquerque jojola kob-tv investigative reporter |
|
Affichage : 127310
Durée : 241 s |
| Friday Hip Hop Report (Oct10) |
 |
The weekly show that reports all the developments
in Hip Hop from news and new releases to album
sales and charts. Hosted by Valerie, this weeks
show features:
===MAIN STORIES===
McCain's "That One" reference to Obama during the
2nd Presidential debate has angered many African
Americans who have accused him of being a racist,
here are reactions from Diddy & Scarface.
Lil John has signed a multi-faceted deal with
Universal Republic Records, where his role will
range from Artist, producer and A&R exec for his
own label imprint.
Esquire Magazine has named 42 year old actress
Halle Berry as the sexiest woman alive.
Eminem beat Jay Z in the final of vibe magazines
best rapper alive online poll.
After weeks of denial Rick Ross has finally
admitted that he used to be a corrections officer
in miami.
Jim Jones has dissed T.I stating that "he doesnt
posses any swag, its all fabricated".
===NEW RELEASES===
Devin the Dude - Landing Gear
Jake One - White Van Music
Sway - the signature LP
MF Doom - Operation Doomsday
Cage - The Best & Worst of Cage
Tapemasters Inc & DJ Envy - Purple Codine 19
DJ Krazee Rae & DJ Hitz - D-Block: Street Heroes
===NEW MUSIC===
Sophia Fresh ft. Kanye West - What It Is
M.I.A ft Jay Z - Boys Remix
Cassidy ft. Murda Mook - Expect The Unexpected
Ludacris ft. T-Pain - One More Drink
T-Pain ft. Chris Brown- Freeze
Timbaland ft T-Pain & Missy Elliott - Talk That
Shit
Beyonce - Single Ladies(Put A Ring On It)
Plies ft Chris J - Put It On Ya
===NEW VIDEOS===
Kanye West - Love Lock Down
Ciara ft T-Pain - Go Girl
COMMON ft Pharrell - UNIVERSAL MIND CONTROL
Jazmine Sullivan - Bust Your Windows
Pussy Cat Dolls ft Missy Elliott - Whatcha Think
About
Tony Yayo - Do It Right (Feat. Max B & French
Montana)
Nas ft Chris Brown & The Game - Make the World Go
Round
===WTF MOMENT OF THE WEEK===
Sway Da Safo from the UK
==BILLBOARD 200===
NEILSENs SOUND SCAN:
1. T.I. - PAPER TRAIL 568,383 (New Entry)
2. Jennifer Hudson - JENNIFER HUDSON 217,185 (New
Entry)
3. Robin Thicke - SOMETHING ELSE 136,944 (New
Entry)
4. Ne-yo - YEAR OF THE GENTLEMAN 70,059 | 403,452
5. Jazmine Sullivan - FEARLESS 42,032 | 107,909
6. Young Jeezy - RECESSION 38,754 | 489,675
7. Lil Wayne - THA CARTER III 34,553 | 2.52m
8. The Game - LAX 28,105 | 476,020
9. Rihanna - GOOD GIRL GONE BAD 27,955 | 1.8m
10.Joe - JOE THOMAS NEW MAN 24,630 | 78,946
==TOP FIVE SONGS===
Here are this weeks top 5 selling ringtones on
iTunes:
# 5 Chris Brown - Forever
# 4 Estelle ft Kanye West - American Boy
# 3 is T-Pain ft Lil Wayne with "Cant Believe It"
# 2 T.I - "Whatever You Like"
# 1 T.I feat Rihanna with "Live Your Life"
===BRANDWATCH===
-"Black Sinatra" - Ciroc Vodka
-"Stay on her mind" - Rocawear new fragrance for
men "99".
===UNDERGROUND HEAT=====
This weeks Underground Heat artist is Reef the
Lost Cauze from Philidelphia. Check him out on
myspace.com/reefthelostcauze
===CREDITS===
A JumpOff.TV Production
(www.jumpoff.tv)
Presented By: Valerie
(www.jumpoff.tv/loravalerie)
Camera Op: Hector Gonzalez
Editor: AKC'Ent.
(www.jumpoff.tv/Akcent)
www.jumpoff.tv
Tags : friday hiphop report new releases show jumpoff valerie jump off tv game jay t.i cassidy timbaland royce da 5'9 rickross kanye west mcCain obama diddy scarface lil john esquire halle berry eminem vibe jim jones devin the dude jake one sway mf doom cage dj envy tapemasters krazee rae hitz ciroc rocawear Sophia Fresh M.I.A MurdaMook Ludacris T-Pain Chris Brown Missy Elliot Beyonce Plies common pharrell ciara |
|
Affichage : 6324
Durée : 660 s |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
 |
| |
|
